The cults dedicated to Margherita in Cortona, Ant (.)ĢHere, Bartolomeo publicly reinforced a fully-cultivated civic consciousness about seven hundred years in the making. 5 The examples of such civic cults are innumerable.4 The data for this number has been culled from a number of inventories and lists of Venetian saints (.).1 Bartolomeo described the ‘not insignificant number of holy men produced by this sanctified city’ 2: The core of his exposition was the idea of Venice as a uniquely-privileged sacred site, a locus sanctus ordained by God, ‘born by a miracle under Christ founded on the day of his salutiferous incarnation … nourished with the milk of the apostles’. He highlighted the city’s preferential origin, its liberty, and the exemplary piety and virtue of its illustrious men, including Marc’Antonio.

Ever mindful of Venice’s highly-valued egalitarian ideals, Bartolomeo presented the doge not as a magnificent and virtuous individual, but rather as a pious product of the city’s own magnificence and sanctity. Bartolomeo celebrated Marc’Antonio’s life, the legacy of his family and the family’s contribution to the destiny of the Venetian Republic.

Spathafora (155 (.)ġIn 1554, a Venetian humanist, Bartolomeo Spathafora di Moncato, composed an oration for the funeral of the doge Marc’Antonio Trevisan. 1 [‘…questa città fece miracolosamente sotto Cristo nascere nel dí della sua salutifera incarnation (.).Cette analyse va dans le sens de la compréhension de la tradition de dévotion unique, répétée dans la ville de Venise, en particulier en ce qui concerne le contingent des hommes et des femmes devenus des saints locaux de la cité. Cet essai examine leur imagerie parrainé par l'État, à San Marco et ailleurs, pour faire la lumière sur les raisons pour lesquelles ces trois hommes saints vénitiens ont été pointés du doigt comme étant dignes d'attention par leur gouvernement. 976), et le moine dominicain Giacomo Salomani (d. Malgré l'existence d'une multitude de sectes religieuses, dans les 13e et 14e siècles seulement trois saints locaux ont obtenu une reconnaissance officielle par la République : l'évêque et martyr Gerardo da Venezia (d. La situation à la fin du Moyen Age à Venise semble être tout à fait différente. Après leur mort, même en l'absence de canonisation formelle, des cultes de vénération locale sur le site de leur tombe ont souvent été encouragés par les gouvernements locaux désireux d'enrôler les nouveaux « saints » comme intercesseurs et protecteurs pour leurs villes d'origine. Tout au long de la fin du Moyen-Âge et de la Renaissance en Italie, les hommes et les femmes pieux ont été reconnus comme des saints au cours de leur propre vie. This analysis goes some way to understanding the unique devotional tradition rehearsed in the city of Venice, specifically in relation to the city’s contingent of local holy men and women. This essay examines their state-sponsored imagery, in San Marco and elsewhere, to shed light on the reasons why these three Venetian holy men were singled out as worthy of attention by their government. 976), and the Domincan friar Giacomo Salomani (d. Despite the existence of an abundance of religious cults in Venice, in the 13th and 14th centuries only three local beati attained official recognition by the Republic: the bishop and martyr Gerardo da Venezia (d. The situation in late-mediaeval Venice appears to be quite different. Despite the absence of formal canonisation, such cults were often promoted by local governments keen to enlist the beati as potent new intercessors and protectors for their native towns. Throughout late-medieval and Renaissance Italy, pious men and women were recognized as saints during their own lifetime and accorded at least local veneration at the site of their tomb after death.

Hard west four evangelists